disc▪ [v1] : Should one compare Ar ↗ǧadd ‘good luck, chance, fortune’? If related, then ǧadura ‘to be fit, suitable, be worth’ would have far cognates in the large complex given by Dolgopolsky2012#599: Nostr *gad˅ ‘(to be) suitable\good; luck’ > AfrAs > WSem *gadd- ‘happiness, fortune’ > Hbr gaḏ ‘fortune’, bə-g̱aḏ ‘feliciter’, Pun Nab Palm Htr gd, JA [Targ], JEA gadd-ā ‘genius, god of fortune; luck’, Syr gad / gaddā ‘fortune, luck, success’, Mnd gada ‘fortune, success, luck, fate’, nMnd gäd ‘Glück, chance’, Ar ↗ǧadd ‘good luck, chance, fortune’, Gz gadd ‘luck’; Cush Ag: Aw gud ‘good, nice’, gudi ‘good’, ECush *gudd-~*gūd- ‘big, much’ > Kns kutt- ‘id.’, Or guddaʔ, Dsn gudd-u, Elm g̣ūt-iḍa ‘big’, gūt ‘many’, Arr guḍḍá ‘big’, guḍḍa-haḍ- ‘grow big, become many\much’; ? Som gídd-i ‘whole, entire’, Bs gidd-i, ? Af gadd-a ‘wealth’ (unless < EthSem); HEC (< EthSem?): Hd gadaʔa ‘luck’; IE > NaIE *gʰedʰ-/*gʰodʰ- ‘to be suitable\good’ > Germ *gōδā ‘suitable’ > Gt gōÞs ~ gōds (tr. Grk agaθós, χrēstós, kalós) ‘gut, tüchtig, schön’, oNo góðr, oHGe guot, nHGe gut, oSax gōd, AngSax ȝōd ‘good’, nEngl good; Slav inf. *goditi (sę) ‘to suit, be fortunate’ > oChSlav inf. goditi ‘to satisfy | gratum esse, morem gerere, placere’, SerbCroat inf. gòditi ‘to make a deal’, Slov to mi godi ‘it is pleasant, I like it’, Cz inf. hoditi se, Ru inf. godit’sja ‘to be suitable’, Po inf. godzić ‘to bring to an agreement’, godzi się ‘it is permitted\lawful’; > (deriv.) Slav *godъ ‘appropriate time’ > oChSlav godъ ‘time (hora, tempus); year; appropriate time’, SerbCroat gōd ‘holiday, year, appropriate time’, Cz hod ‘religious feast’, oRu godъ ‘time, year’, Ru god ‘year’; Slav *god-ьnъ(jь) ‘suitable, appropriate’ > ChSlav godьnъ, Bulg goden, Po godny, Ru godnyj ‘id.’
▪ [v2] : Related to (or ultimately derived from?) forms without ‑R? If so, one may have to compare the complex listed by Dolgopolsky2012 sub #598: Nostr *gad˹a˺ ‘bank, shore, side of s.th.’ > CSem *giday- ~ *guday- ‘bank, side of a river’, *°gadd- ‘id.’ > BiblHbr gəḏ-ōṯ-āw ~ giḏy-ōṯ-āw ‘its banks’ (presumably forms of *giḏyā), Mnd gada, gida, g(i)dada ‘bank, riverside, waterside’, JA JEA gudd-ā ‘wall, side’, Ar ǧudd ‘côté, bord (de toute chose)’ [↗Ǧuddaẗ], ǧidd, ǧidd-aẗ ‘bord, rive (d’un fleuve)’, ǧadd ‘rivage, bord (d’un fleuve), surface de la terre’. – DRS 2 (1994) #GDR-1: outside Sem, cf. Berb agadir ‘fort, fortress, citadel’?
▪ [v3]-†[v5] : As neither ‘smallpox’ nor ‘to sprout’ can be traced back to earlier forms it is difficult to tell whether [v3] is a specialization of [v5] or the latter is denominative from the former. For the time being, we may assume that -ī in ǧudarī is a nisba ending, which would point to its being derived. However, the instability of the vowel in the first syllable (ǧudarī ~ ǧadarī) could be an indication of a foreign origin, in which case the vb. ‘to sprout’ would be denominative. – In any case, [v4] the muǧaddaraẗ dish is to be analyzed as a PP II from ǧaddara ‘to infect with smallpox, show pustules’ and is thus the *‘dish that looks like smallpox on the skin’.
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