conc▪ The semantics in this root partially overlap with that of ↗√ḪRː (ḪRR) and √ḤWR. ▪ ḪWR_1 ḫāra ‘to low, moo (cattle)’: Landberg1920 thinks it is onomatopoetic, to be compared to √ḪRː (ḪRR) (↗ḫarra ‘to murmur, bubble, gurgle; to snore’); Orel&Stolbova1994 derive it from an AfrAs *qor- ‘to shout, say’ (with assumed cognates in Berb, Eg, and some WCh langs); Tropper2008 considers a possible relation of Ug ḫwr ‘to be weak (horse)’ (and, implicitly, also of Ar ḫawira, ḪWR_2) with the animal’s uttering such a sound; according to ClassAr lexicographers, from ‘to low, moo, bellow’ derives also the meaning ‘to bend, turn, incline’; BDB1906 (s.v. Hbr √ḤWR) identifies this latter meaning with that of ḪWR_2 ‘to be weak’.
▪ ḪWR_2 ḫawira ‘to be\grow weak, decline in force; †to abate (heat), to soften (snow)’: Tropper2008 proposes to see the item together with Ug ḫwr ‘to be weak (horse)’ and Gz ḫəwwər, ḫəwwur ‘weak, strengthless’; to the latter may (acc. to Kogan2015 and DRS #ḪWR-1) perh. also belong some modSAr (Mhr, Jib, Soq) items meaning ‘a little’; alternatively, Tropper thinks Ug ḫwr could be cognate to Ar ḫāra ‘to low’ (ḪWR_1) or to Ar ↗ḫarra ‘to fall down, sink to the ground’; BDB1906 (s.v. Hbr √ḤWR) identifies ‘to be weak’ with this the obsolete †‘to bend, turn, incline’, which ClassAr lexicographers however derive from ḪWR_1 ‘to low, moo, bellow’.
▪ ḪWR_3 ḫawr ‘inlet, bay; tract of land between two hills; gulf; mouth of a river’: according to Ḍannāwī2004 perh. borrowed from a Pers hor (?); Freytag1830, too, thinks it is from Pers [nothing fitting in Steingass, but VahmanPedersen1998 has nPers ḫor ‘mouth of a river, small bay’; however, this may be an Arabism]; the Pers connection can seem plausible in the light of the E/GulfAr and modSAr forms given in DRS; in contrast, Landberg1920 identifies ḫawr with ↗ġawr ‘bottom; declivity, depression; graben, valley’; Cohen1969 #162 suggests cognates in Eg ḫrw ‘depression’ (> Dem ẖlt, Copt [B] ḫel(l)ot] ‘valley, rift, river’), as well as some Berb and Cush idioms, and thus sees an AfrAs dimension; BDB1906 compares Hbr √ḤWR (only in ḥor ‘hollow’, ?and perh. the n.prop.terr. ↗Ḥawrān) with Ar ḫāra ‘to bend, turn, incline, (of man) be weak’ (cf. ḪWR_1, ḪWR_2) and ḫawr ‘hollow, depressed ground between hills’.
▪ ḪWR_4 ḫūrī ‘parson, curate, priest (Chr.)’: some think the word is from Grk χorós ‘choir’; Dozy considered it an abbreviated form of Grk χōrepískopos ‘vice bishop in the countryside’ (cf. ↗ʔusquf); Wahrmund, in contrast, compares Fr curé ‘parson’. ▪ †ḪWR_5 ḫawrān ‘rectum, anus of the horse’: acc. to Lane ii (1865), some ClassAr lexicographers relate this value to ḪWR_3 »because it [the anus] is like a depressed place between two hills (ḫawr)«; seen together in DRS with ḫawwāraẗ ‘hip, buttocks’; any relation to ḪWR_2 ḫawira ‘to be weak (?hence also: soft)’?
▪ †ḪWR_6 ḫūr ‘the best, the choice (camels)’: acc. to Lane < *ḫuyr ↗ḫayr.
▪ ḪWR_7 YemAr ḫāwur, DaṯAr ʔaḫwar ‘avid, greedy, voluptuous’: Landberg1920 thinks the item belongs to ḪWR_2 (*‘to be weak > to long for s.th. to eat to regain strength’).
▪ ḪWR_8 SyrAr ḫārā ‘moire’: prob. from Pers ḫārā ‘very hard rock, perh. granite; [?hence:] kind of watered silk stuff, waved silk’ (Steingass, Redhouse).