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Click to Expand/Collapse OptionEtymArab
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biʔr بِئْر , pl.‎ ʔābār , biʔār
ID 050 • Sw – • BP 3230 • APD ... • Aut SG
BʔR
n.f.
well, spring; water pit – WehrCowan1979.
From Sem *biʔr‑ / *buʔr(-at)‑ ‘well’, perhaps (accord. to OrelStolbova) from AfrAs *‎‎baʔVr‑ / *buʔVr‑ ‘well, pitʼ (cf. also ‎AfrAs *buʔar‑ ‘to dig’).
...
▪ Bergsträsser1928: Akk būru , Hbr bōr bʔēr , Aram ‎‎bēr.ā , SAr bʔr ‘well, cistern’

▪ OrelStolbova1994#164: Akk ‎‎būr‑ , Phn bʔr , Moab br , Hbr bōr , Ar buʔr-aẗ‑ , SAr bʔr , Gur bʷər . Outside Sem: Som boor (< LEC *boHVr ) ‘pit’.

▪ Kogan2011: »a double reconstruction *biʔr‑ / *buʔr(-at)‑ has been proposed in Fronzaroli 1971: 611, 632, 640. The i -form with the meaning ‘well’ is known from Hbr bəʔēr , Syr bērā , Ar biʔr , Mhr bayr (HALOT 106, LSyr 56, Lane 145, ML 40), but not from Akk (bēru ‘well’ mentioned in AHw 122 has been differently interpreted in CAD B 266 and AHw 1548). The u -forms with the meaning ‘well’ are best represented by Akk būru , būrtu (AHw 141), perhaps with an early precedent in VE 520 (bu-rúm = Sum šu.a, Conti 1990: 146). Akk būru , būrtu also denote ‘hole, pit’ in general (CAD B 335, 342), and the same is true of Muh bʷər , Gog Zwy bur (EDG 150). Hbr bōr (several times spelled with ʔ ) denotes ‘cistern, pit, grave’ but probably not ‘well’ (Rendsburg 2002: 205), whereas Ar buʔraẗ is applied specifically to a ‘(cooking) pit’ (Lane 145). The vocalic shape of Sab Min Qat bʔr ‘well’ (SD 25, LM 19, LIQ 22) is unknown. The general picture is complicated by a few forms with unexpected loss of ʔ : Sab brt ‘grave’ (SD 33), Gz barbir ‘cistern, well, pit’ (CDG 102, LLA 503), Soq ʕébehor ‘wells’ (LS 295).«
▪ OrelStolbova1994#164: From the evidence in Sem, the authors reconstruct Sem *buʔr‑ ʻpit, well, holeʼ. The fact that these seem to have a ‎cognate in Som boor (LEC *boHVr ) ‘pit’, is reason enough for the authors to postulate AfrAs *‎‎baʔVr‑ / *buʔVr‑ ʻwell, pitʼ as the ultimate origin, adding that the noun is related to #319 ‎AfrAs *buʔar‑ ‘dig’. Ar baʔar a is the only language for which the verb is attested in ‎Sem; having cognates in WCh *buHar‑ (yabori , ḅur , ḅor , ḅuur ) ‘dig’ and LEC *boHVr‑ ‎‎(Som boor‑ , Or bor‑ ) ‘dig’, the AfrAs origin seems quite likely, and therefore it is plausible to ‎assume also a Sem verb *bVʔar‑ ‘to dig (a well)’. – Cf. also the nouns a-βar ‘ditch’ and bur-‎bur ‘underground irrigation channel’ in two Berb languages (< Berb *bar‑ ), as well as bare ‘ditch’ ‎in a HEC idiom (< HEC *bar‑ ). These are assumed to originate in #218 AfrAs *bar‑ ‘ditch’. ‎‎- There is, however, also #276 *biʔir‑ ‘pit, well; dig’ > Sem *biʔr‑ ‘balk'¹, ‘well'²: ‎Akk bīru ¹², Hbr beʔēr , oAram byrʔ ², EmpAram bʔr ², (Palest) beʔērē , Ar ‎‎biʔr‑ ² ; these would have cognates in ECh *biʔir‑ ‘dig’ and LEC *biHir‑ ‘bore, drill’. [It looks as ‎if the authors overlooked this connection in their lists. Their data therefore lack inner coherence.] ‎‎
baʔara, a , vb. I, to dig a well: denom.
buʔraẗ, n.f., pl. ‏‎buʔar , center, seat (fig.); ‎focus (phys. , opt. ); site; pit; abyss
buʔarī, adj., ‏focal (phys. , opt. ): nsb-adj of buʔar . | ‏‎al-buʕd al-b. , n., focal ‎length (phys. , opt. )
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